Remarks As
Prepared for Delivery by President Barack Obama
Address to the
United Nations General Assembly
September 24,
2014
New York City,
NY
Mr. President,
Mr. Secretary General, fellow delegates, ladies and gentlemen: we come together
at a crossroads between war and peace; between disorder and integration; between
fear and hope.
Around the
globe, there are signposts of progress. The shadow of World War that existed at
the founding of this institution has been lifted; the prospect of war between
major powers reduced. The ranks of member states has more than tripled, and
more people live under governments they elected. Hundreds of millions of human
beings have been freed from the prison of poverty, with the proportion of those
living in extreme poverty cut in half. And the world economy continues to
strengthen after the worst financial crisis of our lives.
Today, whether
you live in downtown New York or in my grandmother’s village more than two
hundred miles from Nairobi, you can hold in your hand more information than the
world’s greatest libraries. Together, we have learned how to cure disease, and
harness the power of the wind and sun. The very existence of this institution
is a unique achievement – the people of the world committing to resolve their
differences peacefully, and solve their problems together. I often tell young
people in the United States that this is the best time in human history to be
born, for you are more likely than ever before to be literate, to be healthy,
and to be free to pursue your dreams.
And yet there
is a pervasive unease in our world – a sense that the very forces that have
brought us together have created new dangers, and made it difficult for any
single nation to insulate itself from global forces. As we gather here, an
outbreak of Ebola overwhelms public health systems in West Africa, and
threatens to move rapidly across borders. Russian aggression in Europe recalls
the days when large nations trampled small ones in pursuit of territorial
ambition. The brutality of terrorists in Syria and Iraq forces us to look into
the heart of darkness.
Each of these
problems demands urgent attention. But they are also symptoms of a broader
problem – the failure of our international system to keep pace with an
interconnected world. We have not invested adequately in the public health
capacity of developing countries. Too often, we have failed to enforce
international norms when it’s inconvenient to do so. And we have not confronted
forcefully enough the intolerance, sectarianism, and hopelessness that feeds
violent extremism in too many parts of the globe.
Fellow
delegates, we come together as United Nations with a choice to make. We can
renew the international system that has enabled so much progress, or allow
ourselves to be pulled back by an undertow of instability. We can reaffirm our
collective responsibility to confront global problems, or be swamped by more
and more outbreaks of instability. For America, the choice is clear. We choose
hope over fear. We see the future not as something out of our control, but as
something we can shape for the better through concerted and collective effort.
We reject fatalism or cynicism when it comes to human affairs; we choose to
work for the world as it should be, as our children deserve it to be.
There is much
that must be done to meet the tests of this moment. But today I’d like to focus
on two defining questions at the root of many of our challenges– whether the
nations here today will be able to renew the purpose of the UN’s founding; and
whether we will come together to reject the cancer of violent extremism.
First, all of
us – big nations and small – must meet our responsibility to observe and
enforce international norms.
We are here
because others realized that we gain more from cooperation than conquest. One
hundred years ago, a World War claimed the lives of many millions, proving that
with the terrible power of modern weaponry, the cause of empire leads to the
graveyard. It would take another World War to roll back the forces of fascism
and racial supremacy, and form this United Nations to ensure that no nation can
subjugate its neighbors and claim their territory.
Russia’s
actions in Ukraine challenge this post-war order. Here are the facts. After the
people of Ukraine mobilized popular protests and calls for reform, their
corrupt President fled. Against the will of the government in Kiev, Crimea was
annexed. Russia poured arms into Eastern Ukraine, fueling violent separatists
and a conflict that has killed thousands. When a civilian airliner was shot
down from areas that these proxies controlled, they refused to allow access to
the crash for days. When Ukraine started to reassert control over its
territory, Russia gave up the pretense of merely supporting the separatists,
and moved troops across the border.
This is a
vision of the world in which might makes right – a world in which one nation’s
borders can be redrawn by another, and civilized people are not allowed to
recover the remains of their loved ones because of the truth that might be
revealed. America stands for something different. We believe that right makes
might – that bigger nations should not be able to bully smaller ones; that
people should be able to choose their own future.
These are
simple truths, but they must be defended. America and our allies will support
the people of Ukraine as they develop their democracy and economy. We will
reinforce our NATO allies, and uphold our commitment to collective defense. We
will impose a cost on Russia for aggression, and counter falsehoods with the
truth. We call upon others to join us on the right side of history – for while
small gains can be won at the barrel of a gun, they will ultimately be turned
back if enough voices support the freedom of nations and peoples to make their
own decisions.
Moreover, a
different path is available – the path of diplomacy and peace and the ideals
this institution is designed to uphold. The recent cease-fire agreement in
Ukraine offers an opening to achieve that objective. If Russia takes that path
– a path that for stretches of the post-Cold War period resulted in prosperity
for the Russian people – then we will lift our sanctions and welcome Russia’s
role in addressing common challenges. That’s what the United States and Russia
have been able to do in past years – from reducing our nuclear stockpiles to
meet our obligations under the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, to cooperating
to remove and destroy Syria’s declared chemical weapons. And that’s the kind of
cooperation we are prepared to pursue again—if Russia changes course.
This speaks to
a central question of our global age: whether we will solve our problems
together, in a spirit of mutual interests and mutual respect, or whether we
descend into destructive rivalries of the past. When nations find common
ground, not simply based on power, but on principle, then we can make enormous
progress. And I stand before you today committed to investing American strength
in working with nations to address the problems we face in the 21st century.
As we speak,
America is deploying our doctors and scientists – supported by our military –
to help contain the outbreak of Ebola and pursue new treatments. But we need a
broader effort to stop a disease that could kill hundreds of thousands, inflict
horrific suffering, destabilize economies, and move rapidly across borders.
It’s easy to see this as a distant problem – until it isn’t. That is why we
will continue mobilizing other countries to join us in making concrete
commitments to fight this outbreak, and enhance global health security for the
long-term.
America is
pursuing a diplomatic resolution to the Iranian nuclear issue, as part of our
commitment to stop the spread of nuclear weapons and pursue the peace and
security of a world without them. This can only happen if Iran takes this
historic opportunity. My message to Iran’s leaders and people is simple: do not
let this opportunity pass. We can reach a solution that meets your energy needs
while assuring the world that your program is peaceful.
America is and
will continue to be a Pacific power, promoting peace, stability, and the free
flow of commerce among nations. But we will insist that all nations abide by
the rules of the road, and resolve their territorial disputes peacefully,
consistent with international law. That’s how the Asia-Pacific has grown. And
that’s the only way to protect this progress going forward.
America is
committed to a development agenda that eradicates extreme poverty by 2030. We
will do our part – to help people feed themselves; power their economies; and
care for their sick. If the world acts together, we can make sure that all of
our children can enjoy lives of opportunity and dignity
America is
pursuing ambitious reductions in our carbon emissions, and we have increased
our investments in clean energy. We will do our part, and help developing
nations to do theirs. But we can only succeed in combating climate change if we
are joined in this effort by every major power. That’s how we can protect this
planet for our children and grandchildren.
On issue after
issue, we cannot rely on a rule-book written for a different century. If we
lift our eyes beyond our borders – if we think globally and act cooperatively –
we can shape the course of this century as our predecessors shaped the
post-World War II age. But as we look to the future, one issue risks a cycle of
conflict that could derail such progress: and that is the cancer of violent
extremism that has ravaged so many parts of the Muslim world.
Of course,
terrorism is not new. Speaking before this Assembly, President Kennedy put it
well: “Terror is not a new weapon,” he said. “Throughout history it has been
used by those who could not prevail, either by persuasion or example.” In the
20th century, terror was used by all manner of groups who failed to come to
power through public support. But in this century, we have faced a more lethal
and ideological brand of terrorists who have perverted one of the world’s great
religions. With access to technology that allows small groups to do great harm,
they have embraced a nightmarish vision that would divide the world into
adherents and infidels – killing as many innocent civilians as possible; and
employing the most brutal methods to intimidate people within their
communities.
I have made it
clear that America will not base our entire foreign policy on reacting to
terrorism. Rather, we have waged a focused campaign against al Qaeda and its
associated forces – taking out their leaders, and denying them the safe-havens
they rely upon. At the same time, we have reaffirmed that the United States is
not and never will be at war with Islam. Islam teaches peace. Muslims the world
over aspire to live with dignity and a sense of justice. And when it comes to
America and Islam, there is no us and them – there is only us, because millions
of Muslim Americans are part of the fabric of our country.
So we reject
any suggestion of a clash of civilizations. Belief in permanent religious war
is the misguided refuge of extremists who cannot build or create anything, and
therefore peddle only fanaticism and hate. And it is no exaggeration to say
that humanity’s future depends on us uniting against those who would divide us
along fault lines of tribe or sect; race or religion.
This is not
simply a matter of words. Collectively, we must take concrete steps to address
the danger posed by religiously motivated fanatics, and the trends that fuel
their recruitment. Moreover, this campaign against extremism goes beyond a
narrow security challenge. For while we have methodically degraded core al
Qaeda and supported a transition to a sovereign Afghan government, extremist
ideology has shifted to other places – particularly in the Middle East and
North Africa, where a quarter of young people have no job; food and water could
grow scarce; corruption is rampant; and sectarian conflicts have become
increasingly hard to contain.
As an
international community, we must meet this challenge with a focus on four
areas. First, the terrorist group known as ISIL must be degraded, and
ultimately destroyed.
This group has
terrorized all who they come across in Iraq and Syria. Mothers, sisters and
daughters have been subjected to rape as a weapon of war. Innocent children
have been gunned down. Bodies have been dumped in mass graves. Religious
minorities have been starved to death. In the most horrific crimes imaginable,
innocent human beings have been beheaded, with videos of the atrocity
distributed to shock the conscience of the world.
No God condones
this terror. No grievance justifies these actions. There can be no reasoning –
no negotiation – with this brand of evil. The only language understood by
killers like this is the language of force. So the United States of America
will work with a broad coalition to dismantle this network of death.
In this effort,
we do not act alone. Nor do we intend to send U.S. troops to occupy foreign
lands. Instead, we will support Iraqis and Syrians fighting to reclaim their
communities. We will use our military might in a campaign of air strikes to
roll back ISIL. We will train and equip forces fighting against these
terrorists on the ground. We will work to cut off their financing, and to stop
the flow of fighters into and out of the region. Already, over 40 nations have
offered to join this coalition. Today, I ask the world to join in this effort.
Those who have joined ISIL should leave the battlefield while they can. Those
who continue to fight for a hateful cause will find they are increasingly
alone. For we will not succumb to threats; and we will demonstrate that the future
belongs to those who build – not those who destroy.
Second, it is
time for the world – especially Muslim communities – to explicitly, forcefully,
and consistently reject the ideology of al Qaeda and ISIL.
It is the task
of all great religions to accommodate devout faith with a modern, multicultural
world. No children – anywhere – should be educated to hate other people. There
should be no more tolerance of so-called clerics who call upon people to harm
innocents because they are Jewish, Christian or Muslim. It is time for a new
compact among the civilized peoples of this world to eradicate war at its most
fundamental source: the corruption of young minds by violent ideology.
That means
cutting off the funding that fuels this hate. It’s time to end the hypocrisy of
those who accumulate wealth through the global economy, and then siphon funds
to those who teach children to tear it down.
That means
contesting the space that terrorists occupy – including the Internet and social
media. Their propaganda has coerced young people to travel abroad to fight
their wars, and turned students into suicide bombers. We must offer an
alternative vision.
That means
bringing people of different faiths together. All religions have been attacked
by extremists from within at some point, and all people of faith have a
responsibility to lift up the value at the heart of all religion: do unto thy
neighbor as you would have done unto you.
The ideology of
ISIL or al Qaeda or Boko Haram will wilt and die if it is consistently exposed,
confronted, and refuted in the light of day. Look at the new Forum for
Promoting Peace in Muslim Societies – Sheikh bin Bayyah described its purpose:
“We must declare war on war, so the outcome will be peace upon peace.” Look at
the young British Muslims, who responded to terrorist propaganda by starting
the “notinmyname” campaign, declaring – “ISIS is hiding behind a false Islam.”
Look at the Christian and Muslim leaders who came together in the Central
African Republic to reject violence – listen to the Imam who said, “Politics
try to divide the religious in our country, but religion shouldn’t be a cause
of hate, war, or strife.”
Later today,
the Security Council will adopt a resolution that underscores the
responsibility of states to counter violent extremism. But resolutions must be
followed by tangible commitments, so we’re accountable when we fall short. Next
year, we should all be prepared to announce the concrete steps that we have
taken to counter extremist ideologies – by getting intolerance out of schools,
stopping radicalization before it spreads, and promoting institutions and
programs that build new bridges of understanding.
Third, we must
address the cycle of conflict – especially sectarian conflict – that creates
the conditions that terrorists prey upon.
There is
nothing new about wars within religions. Christianity endured centuries of
vicious sectarian conflict. Today, it is violence within Muslim communities
that has become the source of so much human misery. It is time to acknowledge
the destruction wrought by proxy wars and terror campaigns between Sunni and
Shia across the Middle East. And it is time that political, civic and religious
leaders reject sectarian strife. Let’s be clear: this is a fight that no one is
winning. A brutal civil war in Syria has already killed nearly 200,000 people
and displaced millions. Iraq has come perilously close to plunging back into
the abyss. The conflict has created a fertile recruiting ground for terrorists
who inevitably export this violence.
Yet, we also
see signs that this tide could be reversed – a new, inclusive government in
Baghdad; a new Iraqi Prime Minister welcomed by his neighbors; Lebanese
factions rejecting those who try to provoke war. These steps must be followed
by a broader truce. Nowhere is this more necessary than Syria. Together with
our partners, America is training and equipping the Syrian opposition to be a
counterweight to the terrorists of ISIL and the brutality of the Assad regime.
But the only lasting solution to Syria’s civil war is political – an inclusive
political transition that responds to the legitimate aspirations of all Syrian
citizens, regardless of ethnicity or creed.
Cynics may
argue that such an outcome can never come to pass. But there is no other way
for this madness to end – whether one year from now or ten. Indeed, it’s time
for a broader negotiation in which major powers address their differences
directly, honestly, and peacefully across the table from one another, rather
than through gun-wielding proxies. I can promise you America will remain
engaged in the region, and we are prepared to engage in that effort.
My fourth and
final point is a simple one: the countries of the Arab and Muslim world must
focus on the extraordinary potential of their people – especially the youth.
Here I’d like
to speak directly to young people across the Muslim world. You come from a
great tradition that stands for education, not ignorance; innovation, not
destruction; the dignity of life, not murder. Those who call you away from this
path are betraying this tradition, not defending it.
You have
demonstrated that when young people have the tools to succeed –good schools;
education in math and science; an economy that nurtures creativity and
entrepreneurship – then societies will flourish. So America will partner with
those who promote that vision.
Where women are
full participants in a country’s politics or economy, societies are more likely
to succeed. That’s why we support the participation of women in parliaments and
in peace processes; in schools and the economy.
If young people
live in places where the only option is between the dictates of a state, or the
lure of an extremist underground – no counter-terrorism strategy can succeed.
But where a genuine civil society is allowed to flourish – where people can
express their views, and organize peacefully for a better life – then you
dramatically expand the alternatives to terror.
Such positive
change need not come at the expense of tradition and faith. We see this in
Iraq, where a young man started a library for his peers. “We link Iraq’s
heritage to their hearts,” he said, and “give them a reason to stay.” We see it
in Tunisia, where secular and Islamist parties worked together through a
political process to produce a new constitution. We see it in Senegal, where
civil society thrives alongside a strong, democratic government. We see it in
Malaysia, where vibrant entrepreneurship is propelling a former colony into the
ranks of advanced economies. And we see it in Indonesia, where what began as a
violent transition has evolved into a genuine democracy.
Ultimately, the
task of rejecting sectarianism and extremism is a generational task – a task
for the people of the Middle East themselves. No external power can bring about
a transformation of hearts and minds. But America will be a respectful and
constructive partner. We will neither tolerate terrorist safe-havens, nor act
as an occupying power. Instead, we will take action against threats to our
security – and our allies – while building an architecture of counter-terrorism
cooperation. We will increase efforts to lift up those who counter extremist
ideology, and seek to resolve sectarian conflict. And we will expand our
programs to support entrepreneurship, civil society, education and youth –
because, ultimately, these investments are the best antidote to violence.
Leadership will
also be necessary to address the conflict between Palestinians and Israelis. As
bleak as the landscape appears, America will never give up the pursuit of
peace. The situation in Iraq, Syria and Libya should cure anyone of the
illusion that this conflict is the main source of problems in the region; for
far too long, it has been used in part as a way to distract people from
problems at home. And the violence engulfing the region today has made too many
Israelis ready to abandon the hard work of peace. But let’s be clear: the
status quo in the West Bank and Gaza is not sustainable. We cannot afford to
turn away from this effort – not when rockets are fired at innocent Israelis,
or the lives of so many Palestinian children are taken from us in Gaza. So long
as I am President, we will stand up for the principle that Israelis,
Palestinians, the region, and the world will be more just with two states
living side by side, in peace and security.
This is what
America is prepared to do – taking action against immediate threats, while
pursuing a world in which the need for such action is diminished. The United
States will never shy away from defending our interests, but nor will we shrink
from the promise of this institution and its Universal Declaration of Human
Rights – the notion that peace is not merely the absence of war, but the
presence of a better life.
I realize that
America’s critics will be quick to point out that at times we too have failed
to live up to our ideals; that America has plenty of problems within our own
borders. This is true. In a summer marked by instability in the Middle East and
Eastern Europe, I know the world also took notice of the small American city of
Ferguson, Missouri – where a young man was killed, and a community was divided.
So yes, we have our own racial and ethnic tensions. And like every country, we
continually wrestle with how to reconcile the vast changes wrought by
globalization and greater diversity with the traditions that we hold dear.
But we welcome
the scrutiny of the world – because what you see in America is a country that
has steadily worked to address our problems and make our union more perfect.
America is not the same as it was 100 years ago, 50 years ago, or even a decade
ago. Because we fight for our ideals, and are willing to criticize ourselves
when we fall short. Because we hold our leaders accountable, and insist on a
free press and independent judiciary. Because we address our differences in the
open space of democracy – with respect for the rule of law; with a place for
people of every race and religion; and with an unyielding belief in the ability
of individual men and women to change their communities and countries for the
better.
After nearly
six years as President, I believe that this promise can help light the world.
Because I’ve seen a longing for positive change – for peace and freedom and
opportunity – in the eyes of young people I’ve met around the globe. They
remind me that no matter who you are, or where you come from, or what you look
like, or what God you pray to, or who you love, there is something fundamental
that we all share. Eleanor Roosevelt, a champion of the UN and America’s role
in it, once asked, “Where, after all, do universal human rights begin? In small
places,” she said, “close to home – so close and so small that they cannot be
seen on any maps of the world. Yet they are the world of the individual person;
the neighborhood he lives in; the school or college he attends; the factory,
farm or office where he works.”
The people of
the world look to us, here, to be as decent, as dignified, and as courageous as
they are in their daily lives. And at this crossroads, I can promise you that
the United States of America will not be distracted or deterred from what must
be done. We are heirs to a proud legacy of freedom, and we are prepared to do
what is necessary to secure that legacy for generations to come. Join us in
this common mission, for today’s children and tomorrow’s.
